Jacob England suspected a black man of murdering
his father. So he recruited his buddy, Alvin Watts, to kill random African
Americans who just happened to be available to be shot. Had he suspected a
white man of the crime, one assumes he and Alvin would’ve driven around Tulsa,
Oklahoma, shooting random white people.
George Zimmerman suspected black teenagers of
burglarizing several homes in his complex. He “knew” black hoodlums wore
hoodies, presumably to make it easier for Neighborhood Watch volunteers to
identify them. So he followed a black teenager in a hoodie and shot him.
Zimmerman insists his actions weren’t racially motivated. He’s an equal
opportunity killer.
Gun nuts worry that these deaths will give guns a
bad name. They remind us that guns don’t kill people, people kill people.
Still, as Eddie Izzard points out, the guns seem to help.
Some who want to defend Zimmerman try to deflect
anger over the killing by reminding us that young, male, urban African
Americans are killing each other at a disturbing rate, disturbing, we are asked
to believe, even for those who would like to see most black Americans deported
or jailed or worse. Those currently waving this flag of animus have never
offered any solutions to the problem of black on black crime. They only ask us
to view it as justifying white on black murder.
How did simple-minded folk get control of our
country? Because they have control, make no mistake. The Supreme Court doesn’t
comprehend the first principle of holding high office: The appearance of wrongdoing
is equivalent to wrongdoing itself. Chief Justice Roberts stupidly—yes,
stupidly—asserts that the Justices have integrity and that should be good
enough for us. The folks who control Congress are barely literate. And this
isn’t a new phenomenon. After September 11, 2001, Congress passed the Patriot
Act, a bill containing 1016 sections and countless subsections—in record time.
It was signed into law October 26.
If you believe those fools actually read that mega-document,
you should contact me regarding a bridge I’d like to sell you. Simple solutions
abound. Give the rich more money and tax the middle class to ensure a healthy
economy. Starve government to increase freedom. Lay off people to save money in
order to put money into establishing full employment. And the list goes on.
But the topic by which the fatal flaw in our
thinking becomes most obvious to me is racism.
Only a handful of Americans admit to being racist.
Actually, even America’s national socialists claim they aren’t racist. They’re
civil rights workers, defending the rights of white people that have been so
neglected throughout our history. But note the following statistic.
A mere 11% of white Americans feel certain that
George Zimmerman acted illegally. And the Internet swarms with assertions that
Trayvon Martin attacked Zimmerman, entitling the older man to shoot.
When we interrogate potential jurors, we ask them
if they’ve read about the case and if they’ve formed an opinion. In this way we too often impanel the least alert and the most non-curious citizens we’ve got.
I don’t know about you, but I wouldn’t want to be
judged by anyone who knew nothing about the Trayvon Martin case but what they’d
heard on Fox “News.”
The irony of the public’s response to this killing
is that the people who scream loudest about the “rush to judgment” are hiding a
more developed position on the case than the majority of people who feel
outraged by the failure of the police to immediately arrest someone who had
been told to stop following the person he subsequently shot to death. And that’s
why we have a mere 11% of whites confident that Zimmerman did what he shouldn’t
have done.
Whites often claim that African Americans are too
sensitive on the subject of race, that black people frequently “play the race
card,” as if dealing with racism on a daily basis were a board game. I reject
that assertion. If anything, African Americans are far too benevolent on the
subject of race. Nearly a third of them aren’t sure Zimmerman acted from a
racial motive.
The shooting of Trayvon Martin was a racist act. How
do I know that? Unlike white liberals, I am uninterested in the subjectivity of
George Zimmerman. I probably have a pretty good take on it anyway, but even so
I don’t particularly care what he feels.
Whether his best friend is black.
Whether he’s Hispanic.
Whenever a black person is assaulted by or
insulted by a white person, white liberals make this the central question: What
was in the mind of the white person?
In a society where statistics show endemic racial bias (to put it
euphemistically), the reality is that actions by whites speak louder than
motives.
The court that decided Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896
in favor of segregated public facilities ruled on the basis that whites who
didn’t want to sit with blacks shouldn’t be forced to do so. In other words,
for an all-white Supreme Court the central issue was the subjectivity of white
passengers, not the feelings of black passengers barred from privileged railcars.
If the accommodations were equal, which of course they were not, that should be
sufficient for black Americans. This inclination to focus on what whites feel
as they insult and assault black citizens continues into the 21st
century.
Trayvon Martin is dead because George Zimmerman
assumed he was a criminal. Zimmerman could make that assumption with impunity
in Florida and elsewhere because of racism. In other words, racism killed
Martin.
And that—not Zimmerman’s psychology—lies at the
center of this horrible case. And that is why concern for Zimmerman’s motives
is misplaced, just as the assertion of Stand Your Ground seems to flow in one
direction only.
What we ultimately do to Zimmerman—and I am
inclined to believe he will walk—matters little. What needs to be addressed are
all the George Zimmermans waiting for their moment in the sun at the expense of
all the Trayvon Martins tomorrow.
Thank you, NRA.
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